Final day and we are due to start with a meeting after breakfast with President Uribe. At short notice President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela flies in for a meeting with President Uribe to discuss amongst other things whether he can assist in the humanitarian exchange proposal that we had discussed with family victims the night before. Our proposed meeting with President Uribe does not therefore go ahead. We’re not too disappointed at this as we didn’t expect to hear anything different from what his Vice President had said the other night. Incidentally, we hear that the Vice President has gone on television to say that he had had a meeting with a British delegation and that he was fed up of foreigners coming to his country and criticising the way the country was governed.
We go to the Defence Ministry were we have a meeting with the Minister Juan Manuel Santos, a cousin of the Vice President and whose father was the editor of the powerful “El Tiempo” newspaper for over fifty years. Also in attendance are national Police Commander General Oscar Naranjo and the Commander of the Armed Forces, General Freddy Padilla de Leon. Wouldn’t fancy meeting him in a dark alley late at night!
Mr. Santos, who speaks excellent English, tells us that he lived in London for ten years, is a graduate of the LSE and has many British friends including Tony Blair and John Major. We asked for his assessment of the UK military aid that Colombia receives and are told that they receive little but valuable help from the British government, mainly in respect of the war on drugs which, he says, the UK has accepted co-responsibility for. We ask about the well-documented links between the military and the para-militaries and receive no denial of those links but that there has never been a policy of the armed forces working with the para-militaries. When any officer is discovered to have broken the law in this respect he is subjected to civil not military justice. We raise the issue of the three young farmers captured, kidnapped and killed by the High Mountain Brigade in Sumapaz and the mother killed in Agua Blanca by the police. His response is that there are “rotten apples” in the police forces as there are everywhere but he promises to look specifically into those two cases and to respond via JFC.
With regard to the humanitarian exchange proposal he is less convinced that it will take place, taking the view that the FARC do not want such an agreement. Another consummate politician, very slick at deflecting questions but, one detects, another member of the ruling classes with little incentive to effect real change.
In the afternoon we meet with the British Ambassador, Haydon Warren-Gash at his office. We ask specifically why the Ambassador is silent in condemnation of the atrocities being committed in the country. He says that there are too many atrocities to condemn every one but that the Embassy prefers to concentrate its main efforts for change at national level. On the whole, he says, that he does not put out bilateral condemnation of individual atrocities but that he prefers to workers behind the scenes with others because he finds that more effective.
A fairly heated discussion ensues and my overall impression was that Britain would continue with its policy of being much less critical of what’s going on in the country than others but he did assure us that he would continue to push the issue of human rights in Colombia.
In the evening we had dinner and salsa dancing with a number of people with whom we have met during the week and say our goodbyes. We are due to leave the hotel the following morning for a long journey home via Caracas and Madrid.
Footnote:
Arrive at Heathrow after journey of some twenty odd hours only to discover that my suitcase is left behind in Caracas. Great that’s all I need!
This is the end of this blog, but I shall take a couple of weeks to consider what I have seen and heard and post a follow-up on my thoughts.
Wednesday, 5 September 2007
Saturday, 1 September 2007
Day Six - Visit to Women’s Prison and Meet with the State Security Service
We depart our hotel at 8.15am, longest lie-in we’ve had so far.
The political block, patio six, of the Buen Pastor women’s prison holds women who are awaiting trial as well as those convicted. Inmates include trade unionists, student leaders and community leaders along with members of the para-military and guerrilla groups. Children under three are allowed to stay with their mothers in the prison or they can stay with relatives if the relatives are willing to look after them. The alternative is that the state looks after them, but the mothers are to tell us of their fears of abuse against the children in such a situation.
Security is extremely tight. There are four different security gates to go through and we receive a stamp on our wrists at each one as well as body searching. Eventually we enter patio seis. Grimness doesn’t describe the scene we encounter. Although it is a warm day, it feels cold inside. We sit down in a circle and hear the women’s tales. Everyone is charged, or being investigated for the same crime, "rebellion". In Colombia trade union activism is considered rebellion. We tell the women that if going on a march, waving a flag or organising workers to defend their rights is rebellion then we are rebels too. They laugh and clap. Many relate their tales, here’s one.
A woman who appeared to be in her 40’s told us that she was a member of ANTOC, the health union whose headquarters we visited the other day. She told us that she had been arrested and accused of rebellion for taking part in a demonstration and for fighting for workers rights. If that was rebellion, she said, she was guilty. Her entire family, husband, brothers, sister and wider family had all either been murdered or arrested and accused of rebellion. Quite frankly, she said, she would rather be in here because the alternative outside was death.
Another women with a six-month old child in her arms and visible bullet wounds on her right arm told how she was a member of the guerrilla group FARC. She had been captured by the army during a FARC operation and as she had been the only one captured she had been charged with every action committed by the FARC in the previous two years. She has been sentenced to thirty-six years imprisonment.
Towards the end of our meeting a spokeswomen for the prisoners thanks us for coming to see them and begs us to take their stories to the outer world. We are each given an envelope bearing the inscription “a small gift for big people”. Inside is an e-mail address for keeping in touch with them (presumably censored by the authorities) and a bracelet made by the women themselves in the Colombian national colours and bearing the word “libertad”, freedom.
Once outside we stand around in silent contemplation of what we had just seen and heard. It reminded me of coming out from a funeral and not knowing what to say or do to comfort the bereaved.
In the afternoon we have a meeting at the headquarters of the secret police, the Administrative Security Department, known as DAS. The head of DAS is a newly sworn in woman whose name I didn’t catch. Her predecessor, had been the Deputy Minister of Defence who was appointed some thirty months ago after the previous head had been arrested for alleged links with para-military groups. He is still in prison.
We are assured that a thorough investigation had been carried into the organisation and that they had only found four or five other people with links to the para-militaries and all had been dismissed. Further questioning elicited the information that the investigation had been conducted by themselves, which hardly inspired confidence in the outcomes. We are assured that the secret police do not keep files on trade union activists or leaders and, despite what our trade union contacts had told us, there was no collusion between DAS and either the para-militaries or the army in relation to trade unions or their activities.
In the evening we have dinner with family members of kidnap victims being held by the FARC and who wish to discuss with us proposals for a humanitarian exchange of hostages/prisoners between the government and the FARC. One woman is the wife of a high-ranking right wing Senator whose husband has been held hostage since 2001. She has had no contact with him whatsoever since then but knows he is still alive because of reported sightings from others who had been released.
Another is the mother of former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt who was captured by the FARC during her presidential campaign in 2002. There are other family members of hostages and as you can imagine their emotional pleas for help in securing the release of their loved ones was very powerful indeed. We promise to add our voice to the call for a humanitarian exchange.
The political block, patio six, of the Buen Pastor women’s prison holds women who are awaiting trial as well as those convicted. Inmates include trade unionists, student leaders and community leaders along with members of the para-military and guerrilla groups. Children under three are allowed to stay with their mothers in the prison or they can stay with relatives if the relatives are willing to look after them. The alternative is that the state looks after them, but the mothers are to tell us of their fears of abuse against the children in such a situation.
Security is extremely tight. There are four different security gates to go through and we receive a stamp on our wrists at each one as well as body searching. Eventually we enter patio seis. Grimness doesn’t describe the scene we encounter. Although it is a warm day, it feels cold inside. We sit down in a circle and hear the women’s tales. Everyone is charged, or being investigated for the same crime, "rebellion". In Colombia trade union activism is considered rebellion. We tell the women that if going on a march, waving a flag or organising workers to defend their rights is rebellion then we are rebels too. They laugh and clap. Many relate their tales, here’s one.
A woman who appeared to be in her 40’s told us that she was a member of ANTOC, the health union whose headquarters we visited the other day. She told us that she had been arrested and accused of rebellion for taking part in a demonstration and for fighting for workers rights. If that was rebellion, she said, she was guilty. Her entire family, husband, brothers, sister and wider family had all either been murdered or arrested and accused of rebellion. Quite frankly, she said, she would rather be in here because the alternative outside was death.
Another women with a six-month old child in her arms and visible bullet wounds on her right arm told how she was a member of the guerrilla group FARC. She had been captured by the army during a FARC operation and as she had been the only one captured she had been charged with every action committed by the FARC in the previous two years. She has been sentenced to thirty-six years imprisonment.
Towards the end of our meeting a spokeswomen for the prisoners thanks us for coming to see them and begs us to take their stories to the outer world. We are each given an envelope bearing the inscription “a small gift for big people”. Inside is an e-mail address for keeping in touch with them (presumably censored by the authorities) and a bracelet made by the women themselves in the Colombian national colours and bearing the word “libertad”, freedom.
Once outside we stand around in silent contemplation of what we had just seen and heard. It reminded me of coming out from a funeral and not knowing what to say or do to comfort the bereaved.
In the afternoon we have a meeting at the headquarters of the secret police, the Administrative Security Department, known as DAS. The head of DAS is a newly sworn in woman whose name I didn’t catch. Her predecessor, had been the Deputy Minister of Defence who was appointed some thirty months ago after the previous head had been arrested for alleged links with para-military groups. He is still in prison.
We are assured that a thorough investigation had been carried into the organisation and that they had only found four or five other people with links to the para-militaries and all had been dismissed. Further questioning elicited the information that the investigation had been conducted by themselves, which hardly inspired confidence in the outcomes. We are assured that the secret police do not keep files on trade union activists or leaders and, despite what our trade union contacts had told us, there was no collusion between DAS and either the para-militaries or the army in relation to trade unions or their activities.
In the evening we have dinner with family members of kidnap victims being held by the FARC and who wish to discuss with us proposals for a humanitarian exchange of hostages/prisoners between the government and the FARC. One woman is the wife of a high-ranking right wing Senator whose husband has been held hostage since 2001. She has had no contact with him whatsoever since then but knows he is still alive because of reported sightings from others who had been released.
Another is the mother of former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt who was captured by the FARC during her presidential campaign in 2002. There are other family members of hostages and as you can imagine their emotional pleas for help in securing the release of their loved ones was very powerful indeed. We promise to add our voice to the call for a humanitarian exchange.
Friday, 31 August 2007
Day Five Meetings with Political Parties and Leaders
Not too early a rise this time but we still start the day off with a breakfast meeting at 6.45am.
We spend a whole day in and around Congress, which is only five minutes from our hotel. No bus this time but we are still accompanied by our police escort.
In the morning we have meetings with Senators from the coalition of the political parties that are supportive of the Uribe government and a separate meeting with Senators from the Liberal Party. As you would expect we get a different version of perspectives on the situation from each of them.
In the afternoon we have a meeting with cross party members who sit on the Congressional Peace Commission and the Congressional Human Rights Commission. These are probably two of the most important commissions of Congress and are charged with the heavy burden of delivering a peace process that everyone can sign up to. My colleagues on the delegation do me the honour of asking me to chair the meeting on their behalf. We start late as the congressmen and women are held up by a lengthy debate in the chamber.
Quite frankly, if these are the men and women with the responsibility for moving things forward in this troubled country, we needn’t hold our breath. Their inability to answer the most straightforward of questions, either by design or default, induced the most severe feeling of frustration in me. No wonder the country is in the state it is if the population is reliant on those people for delivery from their nightmare. Such was the lack of focus from them that our time ran out before we were halfway through our agenda and whilst we willing to stay on, they were not. A very unproductive use of our all too short time.
We then had a scheduled one-hour meeting with the Vice President Francisco Santos in the Presidential Palace. Security is ultra tight. The Vice President is a very rich man in his own right. His family own and control almost the entire media in Colombia, a sort of Colombian Rupert Murdoch, as well as extensive ownership in other sectors. He speaks fluent English and is one of the most accomplished performers that I’ve ever come across. He himself is being investigated in the current para-political scandal but instead of playing that down is quite open and transparent about it. He oozes the air of a man who might or might not be clean but who knows, regardless, nothing will be done about it.
As I say he’s a very polished performer and a quite genial host. He came across as someone who might be the Vice President of Disneyland rather than of Colombia. Disney as in disnae think things are so bad. Such a generous host is he that our one-hour meeting lasts for two and a half hours. As a result we are late for dinner with Senators from the opposition Democratic Pole Party, hosted by Senator Wilson Borga (who meet us at the airport on Saturday), and whose birthday it is. A most enjoyable and convivial evening amongst like-minded people.
We spend a whole day in and around Congress, which is only five minutes from our hotel. No bus this time but we are still accompanied by our police escort.
In the morning we have meetings with Senators from the coalition of the political parties that are supportive of the Uribe government and a separate meeting with Senators from the Liberal Party. As you would expect we get a different version of perspectives on the situation from each of them.
In the afternoon we have a meeting with cross party members who sit on the Congressional Peace Commission and the Congressional Human Rights Commission. These are probably two of the most important commissions of Congress and are charged with the heavy burden of delivering a peace process that everyone can sign up to. My colleagues on the delegation do me the honour of asking me to chair the meeting on their behalf. We start late as the congressmen and women are held up by a lengthy debate in the chamber.
Quite frankly, if these are the men and women with the responsibility for moving things forward in this troubled country, we needn’t hold our breath. Their inability to answer the most straightforward of questions, either by design or default, induced the most severe feeling of frustration in me. No wonder the country is in the state it is if the population is reliant on those people for delivery from their nightmare. Such was the lack of focus from them that our time ran out before we were halfway through our agenda and whilst we willing to stay on, they were not. A very unproductive use of our all too short time.
We then had a scheduled one-hour meeting with the Vice President Francisco Santos in the Presidential Palace. Security is ultra tight. The Vice President is a very rich man in his own right. His family own and control almost the entire media in Colombia, a sort of Colombian Rupert Murdoch, as well as extensive ownership in other sectors. He speaks fluent English and is one of the most accomplished performers that I’ve ever come across. He himself is being investigated in the current para-political scandal but instead of playing that down is quite open and transparent about it. He oozes the air of a man who might or might not be clean but who knows, regardless, nothing will be done about it.
As I say he’s a very polished performer and a quite genial host. He came across as someone who might be the Vice President of Disneyland rather than of Colombia. Disney as in disnae think things are so bad. Such a generous host is he that our one-hour meeting lasts for two and a half hours. As a result we are late for dinner with Senators from the opposition Democratic Pole Party, hosted by Senator Wilson Borga (who meet us at the airport on Saturday), and whose birthday it is. A most enjoyable and convivial evening amongst like-minded people.
Thursday, 30 August 2007
Day Four and meeting with the UN High Commissioner
Another early rise for a 5am departure. This time we are not going by bus but in a convoy of jeeps with bodyguard protection to the mountain region of Sumapaz not very far from Bogota but because of the terrain a three-hour journey is in front of us. Our police escort do not accompany us - it is too dangerous as there is an outside chance of guerrilla activity in the region and policemen would undoubtedly be targeted. We are accompanied though by the Mayor of Sumapaz, Magnolia AGUDEL.
The journey is an uncomfortable one, made enjoyable by the incredible scenery and vegetation. We encounter two military roadblocks who question our driver intensely. We had previously been advised not to engage with these soldiers and to say and do nothing that might be construed in the wrong way. Higher and higher we climb into the mountain ranges where the signs of rural Colombian life are all around us. We climbed through the clouds and eventually reached a height of some twelve thousand feet. We stop at the town of San Juan for our meeting with the locals.
There are around three thousand people living in the sparsely populated region. Many of them had come a long way, dressed in their traditional cowboy hats, ponchos and knee-length boots to tell us their tales. There is a British-trained unit of the Colombian army (this is where British Military aid is being spent) - the High Mountain Battalion - in the region and it is accused of a series of human rights abuses. We are given a breakfast of omelette, bread and coffee and commence our meeting.
The Mayor opened by thanking us for our visit, introduced community and trade unionist representatives and gave us some background on the region. The hall we were meeting in was a recent community project, which provided not only a meeting place for the people but an entertainment venue (its modern brick construction was in stark contrast to the other buildings around what was no more than a tiny village but yet the main town of the region). Sumapaz, she told us, was renowned for its organisation of its communities and had a long history of struggle and resistance against imposed change to their way of life. Because of its resistance the community had been stigmatised and the arrival of the army in the 90´s had transformed their way of life and was the precursor to the removal of farmers from their land and the building of a huge dam and reservoir, which we had seen on the way up.
There were now three soldiers to every civilian in the region and their activities of harassment and intimidation on the population was placing huge barriers in the path of their traditional way of life. The communities fear that the government strategy is to clear them from their land by attrition either to facilitate further expansion of the reservoir or to to allow multi-national companies onto their very fertile land for the purpose of growing bio-diversity crops. Despite this the political will of the community had not been broken and had borne results. One hundred percent of the children were being educated and the community supported peaceful dialogue to end the conflict. We were asked to do what we could to stop the government stigmatising their communities and their way of life.
We then heard from various community representatives. From families of victims of abuse and murder, from the President of the area’s agriculture workers union, from union members themselves, from the President of the organising committee and from a youth leader who very poignantly spoke of the intimidation that young people were facing from the army. As is my way in these blogs I’ll relate just one.
A father told us that in March 2005 his two sons aged 23 and 21 had gone into the mountains with a 23 year old friend to bring the cattle down. The three young men had left on a Friday and were expected back the following Friday, a regular occurrence in their way of life. They were loaded with provisions and a small hunting knife, which they needed to undertake their tasks.
When the three lads failed to return the following Friday the parents were not unduly concerned as this was not unusual. When they failed to show on the Saturday, however, they began to worry. When they heard reports about three guerrillas being shot and killed in the mountains their fears multiplied. Contact with army assured them that it was not their sons. When the lads still did not arrive home further contact was made with the army who this time confirmed that it was the three boys. The army said that they had been killed in combat with the counter-insurgency unit of the High Mountain Battalion, the British-trained unit.
It took three days for the bodies to be returned to the families. One had 12 bullet wounds, one had 11 and the other had 9. All the bodies had broken bones in the legs and arms and were severely bruised. One of the boys had had his testicles cut off.
When the army was asked to explain they said that the three lads were killed in combat, that they could not explain the other injuries and as to the cut off testicles, a dog must have done that. The perpetrators of this act have faced no form of justice, indeed one has been promoted.
The families contend, not unnaturally, that the three young men were tortured before being shot.
We heard from the heart-broken mother of the other lad. Not only was he her son, he was the father of two young children one of whom was just a few months old. She said her beautiful and tranquil place had changed in the 90´s with the arrival of the army. Since then there had been no peace only frequent harassment and arrest for the local people. She tearfully pleaded with us to show our solidarity with her and demand justice not for herself but so that no other mother would have to go through what she had gone through. It was hard to hold back tears.
We trailed back down the route we had earlier taken, some warmth seeping back into our bodies, but with heavier hearts. At one of the army checkpoints we were ordered out of our jeep and the soldiers started to bodysearch us. I don’t know if they discovered that the first one they searched was a member of the European Parliament but they let the rest of us off.
We arrived back two hours behind schedule and as a result were an hour late for our meeting with the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights. I can’t report in detail what was said but we did discuss the Justice and Peace laws, extra-judicial executions, the use of torture, the upcoming October elections and the re-emergence of para-military groups.
In the evening we had dinner with representatives of various NGOs and Human Rights organisations followed by bed and a well-earned sleep at ten o’clock.
The journey is an uncomfortable one, made enjoyable by the incredible scenery and vegetation. We encounter two military roadblocks who question our driver intensely. We had previously been advised not to engage with these soldiers and to say and do nothing that might be construed in the wrong way. Higher and higher we climb into the mountain ranges where the signs of rural Colombian life are all around us. We climbed through the clouds and eventually reached a height of some twelve thousand feet. We stop at the town of San Juan for our meeting with the locals.
There are around three thousand people living in the sparsely populated region. Many of them had come a long way, dressed in their traditional cowboy hats, ponchos and knee-length boots to tell us their tales. There is a British-trained unit of the Colombian army (this is where British Military aid is being spent) - the High Mountain Battalion - in the region and it is accused of a series of human rights abuses. We are given a breakfast of omelette, bread and coffee and commence our meeting.
The Mayor opened by thanking us for our visit, introduced community and trade unionist representatives and gave us some background on the region. The hall we were meeting in was a recent community project, which provided not only a meeting place for the people but an entertainment venue (its modern brick construction was in stark contrast to the other buildings around what was no more than a tiny village but yet the main town of the region). Sumapaz, she told us, was renowned for its organisation of its communities and had a long history of struggle and resistance against imposed change to their way of life. Because of its resistance the community had been stigmatised and the arrival of the army in the 90´s had transformed their way of life and was the precursor to the removal of farmers from their land and the building of a huge dam and reservoir, which we had seen on the way up.
There were now three soldiers to every civilian in the region and their activities of harassment and intimidation on the population was placing huge barriers in the path of their traditional way of life. The communities fear that the government strategy is to clear them from their land by attrition either to facilitate further expansion of the reservoir or to to allow multi-national companies onto their very fertile land for the purpose of growing bio-diversity crops. Despite this the political will of the community had not been broken and had borne results. One hundred percent of the children were being educated and the community supported peaceful dialogue to end the conflict. We were asked to do what we could to stop the government stigmatising their communities and their way of life.
We then heard from various community representatives. From families of victims of abuse and murder, from the President of the area’s agriculture workers union, from union members themselves, from the President of the organising committee and from a youth leader who very poignantly spoke of the intimidation that young people were facing from the army. As is my way in these blogs I’ll relate just one.
A father told us that in March 2005 his two sons aged 23 and 21 had gone into the mountains with a 23 year old friend to bring the cattle down. The three young men had left on a Friday and were expected back the following Friday, a regular occurrence in their way of life. They were loaded with provisions and a small hunting knife, which they needed to undertake their tasks.
When the three lads failed to return the following Friday the parents were not unduly concerned as this was not unusual. When they failed to show on the Saturday, however, they began to worry. When they heard reports about three guerrillas being shot and killed in the mountains their fears multiplied. Contact with army assured them that it was not their sons. When the lads still did not arrive home further contact was made with the army who this time confirmed that it was the three boys. The army said that they had been killed in combat with the counter-insurgency unit of the High Mountain Battalion, the British-trained unit.
It took three days for the bodies to be returned to the families. One had 12 bullet wounds, one had 11 and the other had 9. All the bodies had broken bones in the legs and arms and were severely bruised. One of the boys had had his testicles cut off.
When the army was asked to explain they said that the three lads were killed in combat, that they could not explain the other injuries and as to the cut off testicles, a dog must have done that. The perpetrators of this act have faced no form of justice, indeed one has been promoted.
The families contend, not unnaturally, that the three young men were tortured before being shot.
We heard from the heart-broken mother of the other lad. Not only was he her son, he was the father of two young children one of whom was just a few months old. She said her beautiful and tranquil place had changed in the 90´s with the arrival of the army. Since then there had been no peace only frequent harassment and arrest for the local people. She tearfully pleaded with us to show our solidarity with her and demand justice not for herself but so that no other mother would have to go through what she had gone through. It was hard to hold back tears.
We trailed back down the route we had earlier taken, some warmth seeping back into our bodies, but with heavier hearts. At one of the army checkpoints we were ordered out of our jeep and the soldiers started to bodysearch us. I don’t know if they discovered that the first one they searched was a member of the European Parliament but they let the rest of us off.
We arrived back two hours behind schedule and as a result were an hour late for our meeting with the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights. I can’t report in detail what was said but we did discuss the Justice and Peace laws, extra-judicial executions, the use of torture, the upcoming October elections and the re-emergence of para-military groups.
In the evening we had dinner with representatives of various NGOs and Human Rights organisations followed by bed and a well-earned sleep at ten o’clock.
Wednesday, 29 August 2007
Day Three Meetings with Colombian Trade Unions
Our bus leaves the hotel at 7am to take us to the headquarters of the Colombian equivalent of the TUC (the CUT) for a breakfast meeting with the Vice President and members of the executive to hear an overview of the problems facing trade unionists in Colombia before going on to meet with individual trade unions. There are 860,000 trade union members in Colombia around 5% of workers. The most striking aspect of the CUT office is the metal bomb proofing in which it is entirely covered. Security, as you can imagine, is extensive.
We are told of the para-political scandal that is unfolding with 35 Members of Parliament being called before the Supreme Court (34 of whom are members of the ruling coalition parties). Amongst the accusations they are facing are electoral fraud, murder and intimidation. The view of CUT is that the country is presided over by an illegitimate government with even the former head of DAS (the state security organisation) in prison. Since a new constitution was instigated in 1991, 2900 trade unionists have been murdered, 537 of them since President Uribe's election in 2002 with 21 assassinations having taken place so far this year. We hear of the Justice and Peace process, not dissimilar to the Truth and Reconciliation process in South Africa, which is intended to give immunity to the perpetrators of injustices in return for uncovering what really happened. CUT's view is that the process so far has given immunity to the perpetrators but brought no justice, closure or reparations to the victims as intended.
The issue of impunity is raised again whereby the perpetrators of the most terrible criminal acts of torture and murder amongst others, commit such acts in the sure knowledge that nothing will be done about it. CUT tell us that at meetings they have with the government over the issue, they appear less and less interested. The reality is that of the 2900 murders of trade unionists since 1991 there have only ever been 35 court cases with 89 convictions.
Colombia has a population of 43 million people, 20 million of whom are economically active. 28 million live below the poverty level with 9 million in absolute poverty. Workers rights are now non-existent and Free Trade Agreement proposed by the USA would only exacerbate matters in favour of big business at the expense of the workers. In concluding CUT asked for our support to take the matter of halting violation of human rights in Colombia to the international community. We are all determined to do what we can.
Our bus then takes us to the headquarters of FEDOCE, the teachers union and by far the largest affiliate to CUT. Fedoce has had more members murdered than any other trade union even on a proportional basis, 36 last year and 14 so far this year. But that´s not the only threat to teachers. Many are forced to flee their homes leaving behind families and jobs and are not offered new positions. Under Uribe there is a complete lack of workers rights. Every strike since his election has been declared illegal, every single one. New teachers being employed in the profession are offered a different contract with inferior terms and conditions and with a one-year probation period which makes them reluctant to join the union. JFC, the ATL, NASUWT, NUT and Thompson's solicitors are currently funding a project to assist in recruiting and organising these new teachers.
Upon leaving I am interviewed by Colombian TV who ask the purpose of our visit. I explain that in Britain we have heard of terrible human rights abuses particularly against trade unionists and that we had come to hear testimony from victims themselves and to speak with our trade union colleagues in Colombia. "An injury to one is an injury to all", I say.
Our next meeting is at the headquarters of ANTHOC, the health workers union who have brought along some of their members to tell us the human rights abuses they have suffered. The overview of the situation is the one that CUT and the teachers gave us. Increasing privatisation of services means the targeting of workers fighting to defend their rights. One woman told us that she was forced to flee to Venezuela after receiving death threats leaving behind her two sons who were held hostage before subsequently facing harassment and intimidation from para-military forces. Her bank account had also been frozen which proved collaboration between the Para-military forces and the state. Her father and her two brothers had all been murdered by the same people for their political activity in the Patriotic Union, the forerunner of today´s opposition, the Democratic Pole. With the help of ANTHOC she had returned to Colombia and taken up residence in Bogota, hundreds of miles from her home, but her two sons had managed to escape and join her.
For the first time we see real emotion and tears from one of the victims. But she finishes her tale with defiance saying that she will fight on and they will never break her. What bravery! We hear form others but I´ll relate just one. A woman in the south of the country who worked in a hospital for 36 years organised and led a strike because the authorities had failed to pay the workers for eight months. She was threatened by the para-militaries and ordered to leave the area. She was the victim of an assassination attempt. Five shots were fired. One went through the side of her neck and came out the back and another went through her right breast and also came out her back. She was one of the lucky ones. She has a disabled 83 year-old husband and two disabled sons. She had no choice but to flee leaving her house behind. She now lives in poverty in a small flat in Bogota. Hearing these testimonies time after time really is heartrending but they are told with such detachment and bravery that it’s difficult to express one´s admiration for the courage shown in such adversity.
We take our bus back to the hotel for lunch with the leadership of FENSUAGRO, the union whose Congress we had attended in Cali the previous day, and with Aidee Moreno, its head of Human Rights; who gave us a presentation over lunch on the human rights situation in rural Colombia. It is all depressingly familiar. JFC, UNITE (T&G section) and Thompson's solicitors are currently funding the work of the human rights department of FENSUARGO, in particular efforts to free unjustly imprisoned members of the union. So far 15 have been freed.
The afternoon is spent in meeting with leaders of the public sector trade union FENALTRASSE and with the leadership of the chemical, metal and mining workers federation FUMRAMINERGETICA/SINTRAIME. I would only be repeating myself if I gave details of those meetings but the message we received from the Colombian trade union movement was loud and clear. Yes, you intimidate us and our families, yes you displace us and murder our leaders but you will not break us. For every leader you murder 10 will take their place and we will, in the end, see justice in our country.
Day finishes at 7pm and evening is spent in hotel after dinner.
We are told of the para-political scandal that is unfolding with 35 Members of Parliament being called before the Supreme Court (34 of whom are members of the ruling coalition parties). Amongst the accusations they are facing are electoral fraud, murder and intimidation. The view of CUT is that the country is presided over by an illegitimate government with even the former head of DAS (the state security organisation) in prison. Since a new constitution was instigated in 1991, 2900 trade unionists have been murdered, 537 of them since President Uribe's election in 2002 with 21 assassinations having taken place so far this year. We hear of the Justice and Peace process, not dissimilar to the Truth and Reconciliation process in South Africa, which is intended to give immunity to the perpetrators of injustices in return for uncovering what really happened. CUT's view is that the process so far has given immunity to the perpetrators but brought no justice, closure or reparations to the victims as intended.
The issue of impunity is raised again whereby the perpetrators of the most terrible criminal acts of torture and murder amongst others, commit such acts in the sure knowledge that nothing will be done about it. CUT tell us that at meetings they have with the government over the issue, they appear less and less interested. The reality is that of the 2900 murders of trade unionists since 1991 there have only ever been 35 court cases with 89 convictions.
Colombia has a population of 43 million people, 20 million of whom are economically active. 28 million live below the poverty level with 9 million in absolute poverty. Workers rights are now non-existent and Free Trade Agreement proposed by the USA would only exacerbate matters in favour of big business at the expense of the workers. In concluding CUT asked for our support to take the matter of halting violation of human rights in Colombia to the international community. We are all determined to do what we can.
Our bus then takes us to the headquarters of FEDOCE, the teachers union and by far the largest affiliate to CUT. Fedoce has had more members murdered than any other trade union even on a proportional basis, 36 last year and 14 so far this year. But that´s not the only threat to teachers. Many are forced to flee their homes leaving behind families and jobs and are not offered new positions. Under Uribe there is a complete lack of workers rights. Every strike since his election has been declared illegal, every single one. New teachers being employed in the profession are offered a different contract with inferior terms and conditions and with a one-year probation period which makes them reluctant to join the union. JFC, the ATL, NASUWT, NUT and Thompson's solicitors are currently funding a project to assist in recruiting and organising these new teachers.
Upon leaving I am interviewed by Colombian TV who ask the purpose of our visit. I explain that in Britain we have heard of terrible human rights abuses particularly against trade unionists and that we had come to hear testimony from victims themselves and to speak with our trade union colleagues in Colombia. "An injury to one is an injury to all", I say.
Our next meeting is at the headquarters of ANTHOC, the health workers union who have brought along some of their members to tell us the human rights abuses they have suffered. The overview of the situation is the one that CUT and the teachers gave us. Increasing privatisation of services means the targeting of workers fighting to defend their rights. One woman told us that she was forced to flee to Venezuela after receiving death threats leaving behind her two sons who were held hostage before subsequently facing harassment and intimidation from para-military forces. Her bank account had also been frozen which proved collaboration between the Para-military forces and the state. Her father and her two brothers had all been murdered by the same people for their political activity in the Patriotic Union, the forerunner of today´s opposition, the Democratic Pole. With the help of ANTHOC she had returned to Colombia and taken up residence in Bogota, hundreds of miles from her home, but her two sons had managed to escape and join her.
For the first time we see real emotion and tears from one of the victims. But she finishes her tale with defiance saying that she will fight on and they will never break her. What bravery! We hear form others but I´ll relate just one. A woman in the south of the country who worked in a hospital for 36 years organised and led a strike because the authorities had failed to pay the workers for eight months. She was threatened by the para-militaries and ordered to leave the area. She was the victim of an assassination attempt. Five shots were fired. One went through the side of her neck and came out the back and another went through her right breast and also came out her back. She was one of the lucky ones. She has a disabled 83 year-old husband and two disabled sons. She had no choice but to flee leaving her house behind. She now lives in poverty in a small flat in Bogota. Hearing these testimonies time after time really is heartrending but they are told with such detachment and bravery that it’s difficult to express one´s admiration for the courage shown in such adversity.
We take our bus back to the hotel for lunch with the leadership of FENSUAGRO, the union whose Congress we had attended in Cali the previous day, and with Aidee Moreno, its head of Human Rights; who gave us a presentation over lunch on the human rights situation in rural Colombia. It is all depressingly familiar. JFC, UNITE (T&G section) and Thompson's solicitors are currently funding the work of the human rights department of FENSUARGO, in particular efforts to free unjustly imprisoned members of the union. So far 15 have been freed.
The afternoon is spent in meeting with leaders of the public sector trade union FENALTRASSE and with the leadership of the chemical, metal and mining workers federation FUMRAMINERGETICA/SINTRAIME. I would only be repeating myself if I gave details of those meetings but the message we received from the Colombian trade union movement was loud and clear. Yes, you intimidate us and our families, yes you displace us and murder our leaders but you will not break us. For every leader you murder 10 will take their place and we will, in the end, see justice in our country.
Day finishes at 7pm and evening is spent in hotel after dinner.
Tuesday, 28 August 2007
Day Two Journey to Cali
Picked up from hotel by our hired bus to take us to the airport where we were to catch our chartered plane to Cali in the south west of Colombia. As in all journeys that we undertake we are accompanied by our own assigned police motor cycle outriders. Cali is the third largest city of Colombia in the south west of the country and with a population of some 2 million "official" inhabitants. I’ll explain what I mean by "official" later. We arrive on time at the airport only to discover that due to fog at Cali our flight has been delayed by two hours. Great, could have done with those two hours in my bed.
Our itinerary doesn’t have much room for slack and that two-hour delay means we have to cut all of our engagements shorter than intended.
Fight takes about an hour and we are meet by Hubert Ballesteros, Vice-President of the agricultural workers union FENSUAGRO. We visit the first Congress of the sugarcane workers, sponsored by JFC and FENSUAGRO, the second largest union in the country. The Congress is an effort to unionise those in the sugarcane plantations and the working conditions which people endure are truly appalling. We heard some terrible experiences from some very brave people trying to organise workers and the problems they face. Did I say problems? One delegate told us that his employer had started recruiting workers on agency contracts at vastly inferior rates and terms. Where have we heard that before? 30 such new staff were taken on and the union (only 107 strong in membership) decided to try to recruit them. They recruited all 30 and began negotiations with the employer. During the course of the negotiations the union President was assassinated. The assassination was not investigated, let alone anyone brought to justice.
This is a theme that we hear time and time again as we take testimonies from various parties. The impunity with which the employers intimidate and kill in the sure knowledge that nobody will face justice is only adding to the fear and terror facing trade unionists and the general population in their day to day lives. Such has been the state supported attacks on trade union organisation by big business that membership has dropped to only 5% of the workforce. One delegate told how he and his fellow workers were forced to accept a cut in wages to below the legal minimum wage of 433,000 pesos (just over 100 pounds) a month. They now received the equivalent of 75 pounds a month. It’s a take it or leave situation, there is no other work. The stories of disappearances, intimidation and threats were too many to chronicle here but what emerged, if these were to be repeated throughout our meetings, was the systematic policy-driven terrorisation of workers in pursuit of neo-liberal, multi-national, corporate globalisation greed.
Because we were running late we could only stay at the Congress for an hour or so and so we had to take our leave without having had the time to hear everything that, no doubt, people wished to say to us. They needn’t have worried, their message got through loud and clear. "HELP, TELL THE WORLD WHAT’S GOING ON".
We left, somewhat reluctantly, and travelled to the town of Pradera, the capital of the principality of the same name. This is one of two principalities that it is proposed to demilitarise under international supervision to allow negotiators from the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the government to negotiate a a humanitarian exchange.
We changed vehicles and took a ride in a "chiva", literally meaning goat, in order to navigate the winding dirt tracks to a remote village in the mountains where we were to meet residents of the village and the surrounding countryside, predominantly peasant farmers and indigenous people who we were told wanted to testify as to what was happening in the region. Higher and higher we climbed through the most breath-taking scenery and eco-systems that I’ve ever seen until after about 45 minutes we came to the village where the meeting was to take place. I can’t name the village because of the fear that the villagers had that they may face reprisals if it became known that they had spoken to us. They came from all over the area, by chiva, on foot, on horseback and on motor-cycle, about 150 people in all. All of the communities represented had chosen a spokesperson to speak on their behalf and for more than an hour we heard the most dreadful tales of army and para-military persecution.
Just one example out of many. One woman, probably around 40 years old told how both of her brothers had been taken away by the army on the accusation that they were FARC guerillas (which they were not) never to be seen again.. They had become two
amongst thousands of "disappeared" in the country. People just taken away, never to be heard of again. Again it was a common theme that we heard, that when the state forces are asked to explain action taken against individuals their stock answer is "he is is a subversive/guerilla/FARC sympathiser". In this woman’s case her two brothers had left her with responsibility to bring up two nieces and two nephews with no means of support (I never did find out where the mothers were).
We heard story after story and it felt surreal at times sitting in the open air amongst the most beautiful scenery hearing one horror tale after another. Sorry to say, it was difficult not to feel immune after a while. What did come through though was the sheer dignity and stoicism with which people told their stories and how grateful they were that someone had come at last to hear what was happening to them. What also came through was a palpable feeling of fear amongst many of those present.
Presently, one or two of the villagers approached us and asked to speak in private. They explained that a number of those present were not known to the villagers and the fear that we had detected was down to the fact that many people were reluctant to say too much for fear of later reprisals. They asked for assurances that nobody would be identified by name and that no pictures of anyone would appear in newspapers or on television. They told us that the testimonies that we had heard were all true and more.. Their view was that there was a systematic government policy of clearing people from their land and way of life in order to facilitate the takeover of the land for the benefit of multi-national companies with the support of the army and the paramilitaries. We were fed and watered by these peasant farmers and their hospitality knew no bounds.
Because we were behind schedule we had to leave but as we were doing so a television crew arrived. This clearly alarmed some of those present and in order to distract attention from the locals one of our delegation gave them an interview as to why
we were there. (I assume he told them the truth, after all trade unionists don’t lie do they?).
Back down the mountain we trailed on the chiva where we picked up our bus for our journey to a shantytown on the outskirts of the city of Cali called Agua Blanca which is home to some 1.4 million displaced people, mainly of Afro-Colombian people and the poor of Cali itself. Sixteen years ago Agua Blanca did not exist. The government policy of systematic land clearance has lead to the establishment of shantytowns like the one I witnessed in various parts of Colombia.
Cali, a nice city with its "official" population of 2 million just doesn’t recognise these 1.4 million people at all. We were to learn that Agua Blanca is surpassed in terms of poverty and degradation only by the shantytowns of Rio de Janeiro in the whole of Latin America. The people live in shacks thrown together by whatever materials they could find. There are no pavements just dirt track alleyways, pocked by putrid puddles, between the shacks and with no lighting. Cooking was done on large urns in the alleyways fuelled by wood fires. What was amazing was that amongst all the obvious degradation, the hordes of children roaming around in packs and the adults were spotlessly clean. No one knows, but it is estimated that unemployment runs at around 90% and the population survive, because you can’t call it living, on less than a dollar a day, 50p to us.
I had intended to populate this blog with photographs but the theft of my camera at the airport put paid to that idea.
For once I’m not too concerned about being the victim of theft because I wouldn’t have wanted to expose you to some of the sights I witnessed in that shantytown. And yet it is important that someone bears witness. How people in power anywhere in the world can turn their backs on their fellow citizens to this degree is beyond my comprehension. Colombia is not a poor country, It is rich in many respects, mineral deposits and fertile land to name but two. The problem is the spoils of economic growth are being monopolised by the elite and the poor and dispossessed are being left further and further behind. The gap between rich and poor in Colombia is surpassed only in Brazil on the whole continent.
We retreated to a building in the midst of all these horrors which houses a community youth project to hear of the work of community leader and human rights activist, Jair Hernandez, people like him in the world are few and far between. We heard how the youth of the shantytown are continually harassed and victimised by the police who murder with impunity (a word we hear a lot). The whole environment is poisoned by the popular press who regard and paint the youth as nothing less than uneducated (which they are as very few receive any education whatsoever) scum and therefore give no publicity to the atrocities perpetuated against them.
Again we heard a number of testimonies but I’ll give you just one. A 16 year old told us how two weeks ago the police arrived at their shack (he called it home) and wanted to speak to his 14 year old brother. For whatever reason, his younger sibling fled down the alleyway and the police opened fire. Three shots were fired and his mother was hit and fatally wounded. She died where she fell. Forensic analysis has identified which of the policeman fired the fatal shot. The person responsible has been moved out of the shantytown is still at liberty and as far as the family knows has not faced any sanctions. Three days later the 16 year old received an anonymous communication that if the family pursued matters they would be killed. The dead mother left behind 11 children, the oldest being the 16 year old who spoke to us. The father is not on the scene and they are left destitute. It wasn’t said but it is clear that Jair is doing what he can to help the family through. We heard other such testimonies but as I said earlier you do become immune to a degree hearing appalling tales one after another.
We took our flight back to Bogota wiser about the situation but saddened to learn of man’s capacity for evil (there’s no other word for it) against his fellow man.
Got back to the hotel at ten in the evening and too tired for dinner, so straight to bed for a 6.15 rise next morning.
Our itinerary doesn’t have much room for slack and that two-hour delay means we have to cut all of our engagements shorter than intended.
Fight takes about an hour and we are meet by Hubert Ballesteros, Vice-President of the agricultural workers union FENSUAGRO. We visit the first Congress of the sugarcane workers, sponsored by JFC and FENSUAGRO, the second largest union in the country. The Congress is an effort to unionise those in the sugarcane plantations and the working conditions which people endure are truly appalling. We heard some terrible experiences from some very brave people trying to organise workers and the problems they face. Did I say problems? One delegate told us that his employer had started recruiting workers on agency contracts at vastly inferior rates and terms. Where have we heard that before? 30 such new staff were taken on and the union (only 107 strong in membership) decided to try to recruit them. They recruited all 30 and began negotiations with the employer. During the course of the negotiations the union President was assassinated. The assassination was not investigated, let alone anyone brought to justice.
This is a theme that we hear time and time again as we take testimonies from various parties. The impunity with which the employers intimidate and kill in the sure knowledge that nobody will face justice is only adding to the fear and terror facing trade unionists and the general population in their day to day lives. Such has been the state supported attacks on trade union organisation by big business that membership has dropped to only 5% of the workforce. One delegate told how he and his fellow workers were forced to accept a cut in wages to below the legal minimum wage of 433,000 pesos (just over 100 pounds) a month. They now received the equivalent of 75 pounds a month. It’s a take it or leave situation, there is no other work. The stories of disappearances, intimidation and threats were too many to chronicle here but what emerged, if these were to be repeated throughout our meetings, was the systematic policy-driven terrorisation of workers in pursuit of neo-liberal, multi-national, corporate globalisation greed.
Because we were running late we could only stay at the Congress for an hour or so and so we had to take our leave without having had the time to hear everything that, no doubt, people wished to say to us. They needn’t have worried, their message got through loud and clear. "HELP, TELL THE WORLD WHAT’S GOING ON".
We left, somewhat reluctantly, and travelled to the town of Pradera, the capital of the principality of the same name. This is one of two principalities that it is proposed to demilitarise under international supervision to allow negotiators from the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the government to negotiate a a humanitarian exchange.
We changed vehicles and took a ride in a "chiva", literally meaning goat, in order to navigate the winding dirt tracks to a remote village in the mountains where we were to meet residents of the village and the surrounding countryside, predominantly peasant farmers and indigenous people who we were told wanted to testify as to what was happening in the region. Higher and higher we climbed through the most breath-taking scenery and eco-systems that I’ve ever seen until after about 45 minutes we came to the village where the meeting was to take place. I can’t name the village because of the fear that the villagers had that they may face reprisals if it became known that they had spoken to us. They came from all over the area, by chiva, on foot, on horseback and on motor-cycle, about 150 people in all. All of the communities represented had chosen a spokesperson to speak on their behalf and for more than an hour we heard the most dreadful tales of army and para-military persecution.
Just one example out of many. One woman, probably around 40 years old told how both of her brothers had been taken away by the army on the accusation that they were FARC guerillas (which they were not) never to be seen again.. They had become two
amongst thousands of "disappeared" in the country. People just taken away, never to be heard of again. Again it was a common theme that we heard, that when the state forces are asked to explain action taken against individuals their stock answer is "he is is a subversive/guerilla/FARC sympathiser". In this woman’s case her two brothers had left her with responsibility to bring up two nieces and two nephews with no means of support (I never did find out where the mothers were).
We heard story after story and it felt surreal at times sitting in the open air amongst the most beautiful scenery hearing one horror tale after another. Sorry to say, it was difficult not to feel immune after a while. What did come through though was the sheer dignity and stoicism with which people told their stories and how grateful they were that someone had come at last to hear what was happening to them. What also came through was a palpable feeling of fear amongst many of those present.
Presently, one or two of the villagers approached us and asked to speak in private. They explained that a number of those present were not known to the villagers and the fear that we had detected was down to the fact that many people were reluctant to say too much for fear of later reprisals. They asked for assurances that nobody would be identified by name and that no pictures of anyone would appear in newspapers or on television. They told us that the testimonies that we had heard were all true and more.. Their view was that there was a systematic government policy of clearing people from their land and way of life in order to facilitate the takeover of the land for the benefit of multi-national companies with the support of the army and the paramilitaries. We were fed and watered by these peasant farmers and their hospitality knew no bounds.
Because we were behind schedule we had to leave but as we were doing so a television crew arrived. This clearly alarmed some of those present and in order to distract attention from the locals one of our delegation gave them an interview as to why
we were there. (I assume he told them the truth, after all trade unionists don’t lie do they?).
Back down the mountain we trailed on the chiva where we picked up our bus for our journey to a shantytown on the outskirts of the city of Cali called Agua Blanca which is home to some 1.4 million displaced people, mainly of Afro-Colombian people and the poor of Cali itself. Sixteen years ago Agua Blanca did not exist. The government policy of systematic land clearance has lead to the establishment of shantytowns like the one I witnessed in various parts of Colombia.
Cali, a nice city with its "official" population of 2 million just doesn’t recognise these 1.4 million people at all. We were to learn that Agua Blanca is surpassed in terms of poverty and degradation only by the shantytowns of Rio de Janeiro in the whole of Latin America. The people live in shacks thrown together by whatever materials they could find. There are no pavements just dirt track alleyways, pocked by putrid puddles, between the shacks and with no lighting. Cooking was done on large urns in the alleyways fuelled by wood fires. What was amazing was that amongst all the obvious degradation, the hordes of children roaming around in packs and the adults were spotlessly clean. No one knows, but it is estimated that unemployment runs at around 90% and the population survive, because you can’t call it living, on less than a dollar a day, 50p to us.
I had intended to populate this blog with photographs but the theft of my camera at the airport put paid to that idea.
For once I’m not too concerned about being the victim of theft because I wouldn’t have wanted to expose you to some of the sights I witnessed in that shantytown. And yet it is important that someone bears witness. How people in power anywhere in the world can turn their backs on their fellow citizens to this degree is beyond my comprehension. Colombia is not a poor country, It is rich in many respects, mineral deposits and fertile land to name but two. The problem is the spoils of economic growth are being monopolised by the elite and the poor and dispossessed are being left further and further behind. The gap between rich and poor in Colombia is surpassed only in Brazil on the whole continent.
We retreated to a building in the midst of all these horrors which houses a community youth project to hear of the work of community leader and human rights activist, Jair Hernandez, people like him in the world are few and far between. We heard how the youth of the shantytown are continually harassed and victimised by the police who murder with impunity (a word we hear a lot). The whole environment is poisoned by the popular press who regard and paint the youth as nothing less than uneducated (which they are as very few receive any education whatsoever) scum and therefore give no publicity to the atrocities perpetuated against them.
Again we heard a number of testimonies but I’ll give you just one. A 16 year old told us how two weeks ago the police arrived at their shack (he called it home) and wanted to speak to his 14 year old brother. For whatever reason, his younger sibling fled down the alleyway and the police opened fire. Three shots were fired and his mother was hit and fatally wounded. She died where she fell. Forensic analysis has identified which of the policeman fired the fatal shot. The person responsible has been moved out of the shantytown is still at liberty and as far as the family knows has not faced any sanctions. Three days later the 16 year old received an anonymous communication that if the family pursued matters they would be killed. The dead mother left behind 11 children, the oldest being the 16 year old who spoke to us. The father is not on the scene and they are left destitute. It wasn’t said but it is clear that Jair is doing what he can to help the family through. We heard other such testimonies but as I said earlier you do become immune to a degree hearing appalling tales one after another.
We took our flight back to Bogota wiser about the situation but saddened to learn of man’s capacity for evil (there’s no other word for it) against his fellow man.
Got back to the hotel at ten in the evening and too tired for dinner, so straight to bed for a 6.15 rise next morning.
Monday, 27 August 2007
Day One Travel and arrival in Bogota
Two o’clock rise to get to Heathrow in time for check-in for flight to Madrid to make connection for Bogota. Flight left on time and connection also on time so landed in Bogota at 15.30 local time some 20 hours after getting out of bed. Absolutely exhausted! Met at Bogota airport by Congressman Wilson Borja who is a member of the Democratic Pole Party, the official opposition party in Colombia, and was previously the leader of the public sector union FENALTRASE. In December 1999 he was the victim of an assassination attempt and was shot three times.
After spending eight months in hospital in Cuba which saved his leg he returned to Colombia and successfully ran for Congress in 2002 and was subsequently re-elected in 2006. As a result he is heavily guarded. He arrived at the airport with two jeep loads of bodyguards and in addition our personal protection police, who would accompany us all week were there to meet us. Despite all that protection with bodyguards and police all around us my laptop case with laptop and camera was stolen. Reporting matters to the airport police introduced me for the first time to the bureaucracy of Colombian society.
After hearing that I was part of a high profile delegation that amongst other things was due to meet with President Uribe we were pushed higher and higher up the chain of police command. Mariella, one of our interpreters who stayed at the airport with me, explained that this was typical of the deferential nature of the society and the rest of the delegation made their way to the hotel. Mariella and I were given a lift back some two and a half hours later in one of Wilson jeeps, complete with armed bodyguards. Result - missed dinner in hotel at which the delegation were joined by Dr Jose Jose Noe Rios, General Secretary of the Liberal Party and by Dr Carlos Lozano, editor of the opposition newspaper, VOZ, and also sits on the National Executive of the Democratic Pole Party.
I did arrive in time for the after dinner chat and both of our guests very eloquently painted a picture of the political, social and economic conditions facing the opposition.
Didn´t make for very good after dinner conversation but well worth hearing.
Finally got to bed at eleven o’clock in the evening after 25 waking hours and a four o’clock rise in the morning for a half four start. Who said General Secretaries have an easy life?
After spending eight months in hospital in Cuba which saved his leg he returned to Colombia and successfully ran for Congress in 2002 and was subsequently re-elected in 2006. As a result he is heavily guarded. He arrived at the airport with two jeep loads of bodyguards and in addition our personal protection police, who would accompany us all week were there to meet us. Despite all that protection with bodyguards and police all around us my laptop case with laptop and camera was stolen. Reporting matters to the airport police introduced me for the first time to the bureaucracy of Colombian society.
After hearing that I was part of a high profile delegation that amongst other things was due to meet with President Uribe we were pushed higher and higher up the chain of police command. Mariella, one of our interpreters who stayed at the airport with me, explained that this was typical of the deferential nature of the society and the rest of the delegation made their way to the hotel. Mariella and I were given a lift back some two and a half hours later in one of Wilson jeeps, complete with armed bodyguards. Result - missed dinner in hotel at which the delegation were joined by Dr Jose Jose Noe Rios, General Secretary of the Liberal Party and by Dr Carlos Lozano, editor of the opposition newspaper, VOZ, and also sits on the National Executive of the Democratic Pole Party.
I did arrive in time for the after dinner chat and both of our guests very eloquently painted a picture of the political, social and economic conditions facing the opposition.
Didn´t make for very good after dinner conversation but well worth hearing.
Finally got to bed at eleven o’clock in the evening after 25 waking hours and a four o’clock rise in the morning for a half four start. Who said General Secretaries have an easy life?
